Thursday 5 November 2015

Of Ministers, Clowns, Hazards, and Lazard

http://theatlanticreporter.com/index.php/2015/10/26/of-ministers-clowns-hazards-and-lazard/

 
 
26th October, 2015
 
Temitope Oshikoya**

After a four-month hiatus, the ministerial orchestral band of thirty seven noisemakers finally arrives on the stage. The Ministerial list is a mix of professionals and politicians; party loyalists and non-party members. There are eleven lawyers, 5 former governors, three medical doctors, and three academicians. In the context of the President’s campaign platform of security, economy, and corruption (SEC), the issue of the economy appears to be the least favoured on the ministerial band.
What lessons can the fresh noisemakers on the musical stage learn from the previous noise makers of the immediate erstwhile administration? First, the new noisemakers should avoid serenading us with their ministerial megaphone melodramatic melody. The clowns or leading lights of the previous administration, especially the handlers of the economy certainly enjoyed running a circus.  They serenaded us with outlandish claims about the economy and inputs, never mind that under their watch the domestic debt quadrupled to 11 trillion naira. But their outputs clearly showed tangible deliverables in growing the misery, poverty and unemployment indices for the vast majority of Nigerians.

Second, the new noisemakers must avoid waxing us with the lyrics of blissful ignorance. With their mastery of colourful graphic and gimmick presentations, the previous clowns were very adept at hiding the icebergs that the economic titanic was heading towards. This much was exposed in January of this Year in an article titled: How not to manage the economy. Standards & Poor’s ratings, JP Morgan Index, and international media, which they initially carefully cultivated, later revealed their folly and economic ignoramus.
Third and more importantly, the new noisemakers must play their melody with a somber tune. The previous clowns were not only blissfully ignorant, they were absurdly arrogant. As Tony Marinho wrote in The Nation, they displayed the disease of “Ministerial Arrogance and Delusions of Grandiosity.” They certainly like to go about blowing their trumpets as the self-acclaimed “leading lights” of the previous administration.

Nigeria has several heroes at home and in the Diaspora in various professional fields in international public institutions and in the private sector. In particular, there have been Nigerians who have served as Head of the Commonwealth, Under Secretary General of the United Nations (UN), Head of the UN Economic Commission for Africa, Head of IFAD, Executive Director of UNFPA, and Secretary General of OPEC. There are others in the private sector, including a Nigerian serving on the board of Goldman Sachs.  
Unlike these silent heroes, the clowns like to go the extra miles to convince us that they are the greatest things ever since sliced bread.  They want us to believe that the former Director General (DG) of Budget has been appointed by the African Development Bank (AfDB) because of his performance in that prior role. Hogwash, we all know how far Nigeria’s budget, especially 2015 budget, has been widely off the mark and how fiscal leakages are now being plugged. This appears to be simply part of the attempts by the former Minister of Finance, who nominated the DG to serve as Nigeria’s executive director, ambassador or representative to the AfDB, to provide a soft landing to cronies just before a new administration was set to take over.

They also want us to believe that the current AfDB’s President got the position solely on the strengths of his expertise, experience, and exposure as a Minister of Agriculture in the previous administration. As this writer has noted in an article in the Guardian in April, 2015 on The Race for the AfDB Presidency,”more importantly, and beyond professional expertise, experience, and vision statement, the election of the AfDB’s President is a high-powered political affair reflecting an extension of countries’ foreign policy and commercial interest and sub-regional rotation.”
For instance, there was no way Nigeria’s candidate who was head of OPEC in 1995 would have been allowed to take up the headship of the AfDB under former Head of State, General Sanni Abacha. By the same token, if the March 2015 democratic elections had gone awry or the current Nigerian President did not come out to support Nigeria’s candidate, the Presidency of the AfDB would have eluded us!

Fourth, the new orchestra band noisemakers must avoid the revolving doors of the vaudeville theater hall. Some have raised concerns about former government officials being connected with their new employers. Some have been asking what role Lazard and its subsidiary played during Nigeria’s debt negotiations with the Paris Club.  In the USA, a prominent Senator has being championing the case against revolving doors by Wall Street bankers into government and vice versa. Specifically, earlier this year, the appointment of a former Lazard’s banker into a high profile US Treasury position was blocked as part of efforts to control the use of revolving doors.
All of which brings us to issues of moral hazards, which in economics imply people making the decision about taking risks knowing that others will bear the costs and burden of those risks. In this context, is it the case that the clowns and merchants of misery are bailing out after leaving majority of Nigerians with rotten apples of misery deriving from their economic mismanagement?

Finally, the new noisemakers must avoid the antics of the clowns and their town criers who think their clowns are meant to serve only their clans. With these musical musings, we wish the new noisemakers well in their new roles as Ministers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

**Dr. Temitope Oshikoya, an economist, writes from Lagos.

Sunday 31 May 2015

Expert Puts Cost of Buhari’s Economic Blueprint at N60 Trillion


Expert Puts Cost of Buhari’s Economic Blueprint at N60 Trillion



31 May 2015

Views: 4,626


• Calls for prioritisation of policies, programmes


By Kunle Aderinokun


It has been estimated that it would cost the President Muhammadu Buhari-led administration a total of about N60 trillion ($300 billion) to implement its economic blueprint.


A former Chief Economist of African Finance Corporation and former Director of Research at the African Development Bank, Dr. Temitope Oshikoya, gave this estimate in his report (made available to THISDAY), based on the analysis of the economic blueprint by BudgiT at the recent policy dialogue on APC manifesto.


In view of the enormous cost of implementing the economic blueprint, which represents 60 per cent of the nation’s GDP, Oshikoya advised the new administration to prioritise and sequence its policies and programmes.


He noted that the economic blueprint, which he termed ‘Buharinomics’, “faces a quadrilemma in trying to achieve equity, efficiency and effectiveness in a slowing economy.”

According to him, “as the administration faces difficult short-to-medium term policy choices and opportunity costs requiring trade-offs with long-term consequences, prioritisation and sequencing of its policies and programmes are in order.”



Oshikoya, who explained that the equity portion accounts for a fifth of the total cost of the blueprint, noted that the efficiency portion represents 38 per cent while  guarantees are 42 per cent.


While also pointing out that the equity portion alone requires an annual expenditure of about N12 trillion, he said the total annual revenue for the Federation account is less than N10 trillion.


He therefore expressed belief that “from reducing the cost of governance, the effectiveness pillar could yield N1trillion.” The extra burden, according to him,  will then “fall on the economy pillar with efforts made to plug the fiscal leakages from oil revenue and more non-oil revenue will need to be raised from increasing the tax rate, broadening the tax base, and increasing collection efficiency.”


Essentially, Oshikoya, who is the chief executive officer of Nextnomics Advisory, noted that “the vision of a social-democratic welfare state with a dynamic market economy is a noble one.”

“The immediate social inclusion equity programmes for achieving it partly work through fiscal stimulus to consumption and aggregate demand, Keynesian economics style. On the other hand, the efficiency related programmes are geared towards removing long-term supply side constraints to the economy through structural reforms for competitiveness and enhancing infrastructure investment-led productive growth,” he added.


Oshikoya noted that “the envisaged social democratic welfare state aims to tackle the vicious circle of poverty and high misery index, and inequality in social mobility, income, wealth and economic opportunity.


“The new administration plans to create a social welfare programme to provide N5,000 monthly for the 25 million poorest Nigerians. It will provide unemployment allowances for unemployed Youth Corps graduates for twelve months; one meal a day for all primary school pupils; a national identity scheme--NIS and a regional growth fund—RGF.”


“According to BudgiT, the total cost of implementing these direct equity programmes is N2.15 trillion or $10.8 billion.”


“Closely related to the direct equity programmes are the education and healthcare programmes to enhance the productive capacities of citizens, costing another N662 billion or $3.31 billion. These programmes include new vocational schools; new six universities of science and technology; and world class hospitals. In addition, BudgiT estimates suggest that N8.8 trillion or $44 billion per year will be required as national health expenditure,” he added.


He reasoned that prioritisation of all the equity programmes would be necessary, giving the total costing of N11.5 trillion or $58 billion.


“While the core social welfare programme could be initially scaled down by half”,  the economist posited that “establishing six new universities or new world class hospitals cannot be of immediate main priorities.”


He added: “It is also difficult to meet over the medium term the targets of increasing by two-half times the number of physicians per 1,000 population from 19 to 50, and increasing national expenditure per person per annum five times to N50,000. The RGF may be targeted initially as a Marshall Plan for the North-east, as the NDDC is essentially a RGF for the South-South.”


Besides, Oshikoya also said: “While the NIS is crucial to the effectiveness of the social inclusion programme, it should build on the ongoing biometric programmes at the CBN, INEC, and NIMC and the e-wallet programme in the agriculture sector.”


Oshikoya advised that, “the expenditure on social inclusive equity programme should initially be targeted at N5 trillion or about 5 per cent of GDP, and half of the current projected estimated spending. This benchmark, according to him, is in line with cost of social protection programmes in Ethiopia, Kenya, and Tanzania.


“According to Cash Transfers Evidence Paper by DfID, the cost of Ethiopia’s Productive Safety Net Programme is estimated at 5.3 per cent of GDP. Large middle-income countries spend less per GDP. India’s National Rural Employment Guarantee is estimated to cost 2.2 per cent of GDP; Indonesia’s Safety Net Scheme, which covers 84 million people or a third of the population, is estimated to cost 0.7 per cent of GDP.


“Brazil’s Bolsa Familia programme created in 2003 cost 0.36 per cent of GDP and covers 46 million people or a quarter of the population and has lifted million of families from poverty. The Brasil sem Miséria established in 2011 has a fiscal cost of less than 0.6 per cent of GDP at an average of $65 per family according to the IMF,” he added.

Wednesday 22 April 2015

Race for the AfDB Presidency


This article has been published by The Guardian on 22 April 2015 and Newsdiary Online on 14 April 2015
http://updates.hopefornigeriaonline.com/race-for-the-afdb-presidency/

THE election to replace Dr. Donald Kaberuka from Rwanda as the President of the African Development Bank (AfDB) will take place in Abidjan during its yearly meetings next month. Eight candidates are vying for the prestigious position of Africa's premier multi-lateral development bank, which turned 50 in 2014.

Based on depth of professional qualifications and breadth of experiences, Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, Nigeria's Minister of Agriculture, is one of the front-runners. He has international development and in-country experience spread across 14 other Anglophone and Francophone countries in West, East and Southern Africa.
Dr. Kamara of Sierra Leone, an economist, should also be a strong contender having served as Governor of Central Bank, Minister of Finance and Economic Planning and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Sierra Leone in addition to having worked at the IMF and the Commonwealth. Mr. Sufian Ahmed has a long-standing public sector experience; he has been Ethiopia's Minister for Finance and Economic Development for two decades at a time when his country became one of the darlings of the international donor community.

Mrs. Cristina Duarte has private sector experience at Citibank and serves as Minister for Finance and Planning for Cape Verde. The Tunisian candidate, Mr. Jaloul Ayul is also a Minister of Finance with private sector experience as former Citi banker and Managing Director of a commercial bank in Tunisia. There are three former AfDB's staff members.
Mr. Kodje Bedoumra, an engineer, brings with him experience of managing infrastructure projects at the AfDB, which is now the institution's largest portfolio, and as its former Vice President. He has also served as the Secretary to the Government within Chad's Presidency, as well as Minister for Economic Planning, and Minister for Finance.

Mr. Birama Sidibe, a Malian is now Vice President for Operations at Islamic Development Bank (IsDB). Mr. Thomas Sakala from Zimbabwe is a veteran and former AfDB's Vice President for Country and Regional Programming.
There are three key issues that the AfDB needs to address going forward. First, how many countries will graduate from its soft lending window of African Development Fund (ADF) in five to 10 years' time? The ADF lends to poor and low-income 35 countries - two-thirds of 54 African countries, many of which cannot borrow from the AfDB window. Graduating from the ADF-window implies that a country has raised its per capita income to become a middle-income country and successfully lifted a majority of its people out of poverty.

Second, what will the AfDB do differently that the World Bank cannot do? The World Bank's strength, arguably, lies not only with its financial lending (it provides three times what AfDB provides to some African countries), but also with its ability to drive and shape the development agenda and in-country priorities with its policy and knowledge capital.
Third, why should non-African countries provide additional finance either through the capital markets or donor funding to the AfDB and ADF and not to the World Bank or their own respective bilateral development agencies? In essence, what would be the value-added of a marginal increase in funding to the AfDB? On the other hand, why should African countries trust the AfDB if they feel that they need greater voice at the institution?

 In addressing these fundamental issues, the vision statement of Ethiopia's Suffian Ahmed stands shoulder and head above others, as recently posted on the AfDB's website. His statement is on three core tasks: "First, focus on our financing on what we are best at and what will make the biggest difference in Africa... .Second, bringing world class advisory capacity to the table in support of the countries we work with... .Third, invest in high quality management and operations---with the whole bank focused on effectiveness value for money and minimizing costs."
His statement then addresses four priority areas--infrastructure, agriculture, the private sector, and supporting fragile states. In each area, he has only three short paragraphs covering Africa's challenges, his in-country experience in tackling those challenges, and what he plans to do at the AfDB. The next vision statement that comes close is that of Dr. Kamara of Sierra Leone, especially in terms of packaging and presentation. Surprisingly, the vision statements of the other six candidates read more like mid-term research papers; writing as technical experts is quite different from writing a vision statement as presidential candidates for a continental organization.

More importantly, and beyond professional expertise, experience and vision statement, the election of the AfDB's president is a high-powered political affair reflecting an extension of countries' foreign policy and commercial interest and sub-regional rotation. While Eastern Africa and North Africa produced the two most recent presidents, Central Africa may claim that it is now its turn.
Being the largest shareholder and with a positive image from its successful elections, Nigeria could also note that it is also its own turn, especially with a South African now head of the African Union, which breaks a long-standing unwritten rule that the SANE countries - South Africa, Algeria, Nigeria, and Egypt with a combined GDP of over half of Africa's - should not be the head of continental organizations.

The AfDB's president is elected with a double, but simple majority of both African votes and total votes. In the earlier rounds of voting usually based on country and sub-regional voting shares and linguistic affiliations, the candidates with the least vote, possibly from Eastern and Southern Africa (17% of total vote), West Africa (3.7%) ex-Nigeria, and Francophone blocs (11% of total votes) who may fully support Mali or Chad, will drop out if North Africa with about 19% of total vote support for Tunisia.
During these earlier rounds, Nigeria's Adesina will scale through and possibly to the final rounds given the country's 9.3% total shareholding (16% of Africa's 60% vote). Non-African western countries generally prefer candidates from relatively smaller or low-income African countries with heavy reliance on official development assistance.

France may initially team up with Mali or Chad; Arab/Gulf countries with either Tunisia or Mali given the connection with IsDB; and China with Nigeria. Zimbabwe's candidate may be handicapped by perception of his country's image with the western countries, which may support Cape Verde, Sierra Leone or Ethiopia.
However, if the western countries with about 36% of total votes feel that their preferred candidate may drop out too quickly because of low votes, they will most likely coalesce around that candidate very early in the voting rounds to propel the candidate to the final round.

Dr. Kaberuka of Rwanda, now with less than 0.2% vote, benefitted from this strategy in 2005. Ethiopia, Sierra Leone, or Cape Verde may likely benefit from this networking effect this year.
In this regard, Cristina Duarte is probably one to watch as the undeclared and anointed candidate of the non-African western countries partly for being the only female and a Luso-phone candidate, with both private and public sector experiences from a country with low voting shares (0.09%).

The 2015 election for AfDB's presidency is indeed getting very interesting and the best counsel during the campaign process: Trust, but verify.

 

 

Monday 2 March 2015

Adebayo Adedeji: A Distinguished Scholar and Public Servant

By Temitope Oshikoya

This article has been published by ThisDay  on 01 March 25
http://www.thisdaylive.com/articles/adebayo-adedeji-a-distinguished-scholar
 
“This book, written to honor Adebayo Adedeji, the intellectual leader of Africa’s quest for home-grown approaches to development and good governance, sheds light on many of the difficult policy challenges that Adedeji tackled during his career. His capacity and commitment to speak for Africa and on African issues remains unmatched, especially when he was Executive Secretary of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA). He has been a brilliant, confident and tenacious proponent of African development.”

–– Joaquim Alberto Chissano, Former President of Mozambique, in a Foreword to African Development in the 21st Century: Adebayo Adedeji’s theories and contributions.


The diverse contributions of Professor Adebayo Adedeji as a scholar, practitioner, and international civil servant to Africa’s development perspectives and processes are the subject matter of this recently released book edited by Amos Sawyer, Afeikhena Jerome and Ejeviome Eloho Otobo. The 216-page book, published by Africa World Press, has contributions from mostly African scholars, policy-makers, former and current senior officials of the United Nations, leaders of civil society organizations and think-thanks. Two common threads emerge from the diverse authors. First is the distilling of the contributions of Adedeji during his distinguished career of four decades and across national, continental and international levels. Second is the critical diagnosis of Africa’s past challenges, present trends, and future prospects.
The book, with nine chapters, is divided into four thematic parts, which contextualize Adedeji’s rich contributions to Africa’s economic development process drawing from leading documents especially the Lagos Plan of Action (LPA) and the African Alternative Framework to Structural Adjustment Programmes for Socio-Economic Recovery and Transformation (AAF-SAP). These two documents are as relevant today as they were three decades ago when they were first developed. In both the LPA and AAF-SAP, Adedeji has provided the necessary framework for scholars and practitioners in academia, the public sector, the private sector, international institutions and civil society organizations to build upon and chart out a new path for Africa’s sustainable and shared prosperity.

Part 1 presents reflections on the policies and strategies for Africa’s development since 1976. In this context, Adedeji used his pivotal position as head of United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) to build a distinctive African Voice on developmental issues of great significance to the continent by strengthening the research capability, policy advocacy, and human capacity of the institution; and by serving as trusted adviser to African leaders on economic issues. Part 2 focuses on Adedeji’s efforts to use regional integration and cooperation to overcome the challenges of small market sizes and land-locked countries, economies of scale and scope and galvanize the continent’s economic development into a vibrant and globally competitive African economy. Part 3 is dedicated to examining the institutional deficits that continued to plague Africa’s development. Part 4 presents in-depth analyses of conflicts and development in Africa.
For those familiar with the development debate of the 1980s and 1990s between the World Bank and UNECA, much of the materials in this book are available in various publications of the two institutions. There are also a lot of repetitive materials across chapters in the book. However, I found fresh insights, ideas and interpretations in the chapters by four authors: Richard Jolly, Ali Ali, Adekeye Adebajo, and Otobo. The remaining five chapters essentially revolve around the insights and ideas provided by what I will call the four core chapters.

From my perspective, the leading chapter after the introductory chapter should have been Chapter 4 by Adekeye Adebajo on “A Tale of Two Prophets: Jean Monnet and Adebayo Adedeji.” This chapter provides a biographical sketch of Adedeji as an erudite scholar, a foremost development planner and practitioner, and the father of African integration. A product of universities of Leicester, Harvard, and London, Adedeji became a full Professor of Economics and Public Administration at the age of 36. Four years later at the age of 40, in 1971, he was appointed Nigeria’s Minister of Economic Reconstruction and Development under the military regime of General Yakubu Gowon. His Ministry would oversee the post-war, peace-building and reconstruction efforts. Several of the country’s infrastructure base, dual carriageways, flyovers and electricity pylons were conceived under successive five-year national development plans crafted by Adedeji and his cabinet colleagues.
Turning his scholarly insights into practice, Adedeji championed regional integration as an instrument for promoting peace and socio-economic development in Africa. As a Minister of Economic Development, he worked with General Gowon to convince other 15 West African Heads of States to create Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). He carried this mission to the UNECA when he was appointed in 1975 to lead the institution and facilitated the creation of Common Market of Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) in 1981 and Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) in 1983. His far-sighted vision and skillful efforts to transform the UNECA into a Pan-African platform to promote economic integration across Africa is comparable to Europe’s political visionary—Jean Monnet who was very instrumental as a French technocrat in the establishment of the European Community. Yousif Suliman in Chapter 5 on “African Integration and Development” further elucidates Adedeji’s vision and framework for regional integration; the record of achievements and shortcomings of the various regional economic communities; and the way forward for revitalizing the regional integration process.

Richard Jolly, a former Deputy Executive Secretary of UNICEF when Adedeji was Executive Secretary of UNECA, draws on his personal experiences and interactions with Professor Adedeji, which illuminates the points in his chapter on “Contemporary Perspectives on the LPA and Structural Adjustment in the 1980s.” He recalls how Adedeji was aware of the “battles for the African mind.” In challenging the perspectives of the Washington Consensus, “Adedeji was at his best and his most loyal to Africa.” In spite of political battering and attacks from the Breton Wood Institutions, “Adedeji stood up for Africa and presented an authentic African vision of independent economic advancement.”
Although Adedeji did not initially succeed in many of these battles, over time some of the priorities for which he argued have been mainstreamed and accepted. This is the main theme of Ali Abdel Gadir Ali’s contribution on “The Rediscovery of the African Alternative Framework to Structural Adjustment Programmes,” which contextualized later policy developments and situated them with Adedeji’s foresights. Ali notes that following the failure of SAPs to achieve their growth objectives, most of the current ideas on promoting development in Africa involve the rediscovery of ideas that had been previously articulated by African policy makers and scholars; foremost among which is Adedeji. In response to and in an attempt to accommodate the issues earlier raised in AAFSAP, Ali traces the evolution of international development partners’ policy engagement with Africa starting with the Comprehensive Development Framework (CDF), Poverty Reduction Strategies Papers (PRSP), and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Jerome et.al<http://et.al> in Chapter 8 further extend this evolution to include the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPCs), New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD), the Inclusive Growth Agenda and the Developmental State mantra, which gained firmer ground after the 2008 global financial crisis.

More tellingly, Adedeji’s positions and ‘lost decades’ proposition have been further validated by the Commission for Africa, whose 2005 Report (p.30) notes that “decades in which Asia was investing, the 1970s and 1980s, were the years of crisis when African governments slashing the budgets of both clinics and schools at the behest of the IMF.  Evidence shows that IMF and the World Bank economic policy in the 1980s and early 1990s took little account of how these policies would potentially impact on the poor in Africa.” In Chapter 3, Ademola Ariyo and Babajide Fowowe provided statistical and empirical analysis that corroborated these policy insights and concluded that SAPs have not been able to structurally transform African economies and production systems.

Ejeviome Eloho Otobo’s Chapter 6 on “African Countries: Three Deficits and Three Futures” builds on Adedeji’s work in the area of scenario analysis for the continent. While acknowledging recent improvements in economic performance in Africa, Otobo highlights the structural constraints impeding Africa’s long-term development prospects as stability deficit, the organizational deficits, and the scientific deficits. The stability deficits are manifested in coups, conflicts and crimes which together prevent development from taking root. In Chapter 9, James Katorobo provides a detailed analysis of the ten root causes of conflicts in Africa and examined the framework that Adedeji had provided for managing and controlling conflicts.
The organizational deficits encapsulate institutional weaknesses and capacity deficiencies for economic management and political governance. These deficiencies have hampered the public sector in its role of delivering on the basic social contract between government and its people in areas such as security, safety, social services, property and contract rights, markets and competition regulation. As a result, in conflict-affected countries, dependency on foreign technical assistance and aids constitute over 90% share of national budget. Building and strengthening of the capacity of African institutions to achieve accelerated development has been central to Adedeji’s work; Hesphina Rukato examines this aspect in detail in Chapter 7.

The third deficit identified by Otobo is the scientific and technological deficit. Scientific and technological progress has enabled other societies to transform from agricultural age through industrial age and now to knowledge-based information age. African economies remain natural resources based partly because of lack of adaptation through inventions, innovation and imitation. According to Otobo, African countries face three distinct futures depending on their position on the combination of political stability, organizational competence, and technological prowess tripod. At the upper-end will be a handful of countries with the attributes to be competitive both continentally and globally. At the middle will be countries that will rely more cooperation to forge ahead, while at the lower end are countries bedeviled by conflicts and not able to make much headway.
As an economist and scholar, Adedeji espouses development of Africans for Africans and by Africans. He favors using superior arguments to make his points rather than condescension and resort to calling others pseudo-intellectuals. As a practitioner, he has fought with passion and rigor for ‘adjustment with a human face’, and against austerity measures and the misery that the merchants of misery are now inflicting on all of us, except the ultra-rich oligarchs. Without parading himself with meaningless self-serving titles, his record as a Minister between 1971 and 1975 will be viewed as a golden era for Nigeria’s economic management with relatively stable Naira exchange rate, low inflation rate, and respectable foreign reserves to GDP ratio. His era witnessed orderly crafting and implementation of development plans and execution of infrastructure development across the country. He practiced indigenization unlike those who pay lip service to developing local content and could not find capable Nigerian and African firms to undertake advisory services for the public sector except using non-indigenous and non-local firms for such services.

As an international civil servant, he has been insistent on the development and implementation of African-centered development policies and programs at a time when the Washington Consensus was the dominant paradigm for development imposed on African countries. This is in sharp contrast to the economic refugees of more than two decades at Breton Wood institutions, who like to parade themselves as reformers, but are now worse than the un-reformables.  He believes in developing the capacity of Africans to master development process, unlike those who are more in tune with outsourcing thought leadership on the economy to non-Africans. His constituency is Africa unlike those more interested in playing to the gallery of the international development community. As a diplomat, Professor Adebayo Adedeji is in the league of Chief Emeka Anyaoku, former Secretary-General of the Commonwealth; both made Nigeria and Africa proud at the continental and global scenes. To reiterate the words of President Chissano, this book is indeed a fitting tribute to a man of grand stature and a role model for many yet to come.
–– Oshikoya, an economist, chartered banker, and public affairs analyst, writes from Lagos

http://www.thisdaylive.com/articles/adebayo-adedeji-a-distinguished-scholar

Sunday 1 February 2015

African Development in the 21st Century

African Development in the 21st Century: A scholar’s theories and contributions

This book review was published by Nigerian Tribune Newspaper on 29 January, 2015

http://www.tribune.com.ng/arts-review/item/27942-african-development-in-the-21st-century-a-scholar-s-theories-and-contributions/27942-african-development-in-the-21st-century-a-scholar-s-theories-and-contributions

The diverse contributions of Professor Adebayo Adedeji as a scholar, practitioner, and international civil servant to Africa’s development perspectives and processes are the subject matter of this recently released book, with contributions from mostly African scholars, policy-makers, former and current senior officials of the United Nations, leaders of civil society organisations and think-tank. Two common threads emerge from the diverse authors. First is the distilling of the contributions of Adedeji during his distinguished career of four decades and across national, continental and international levels. Second is the critical diagnosis of Africa’s past challenges, present trends, and future prospects.

The book, with nine chapters, is divided into four thematic parts, which contextualise Adedeji’s rich contributions to Africa’s economic development process drawing from leading documents especially the Lagos Plan of Action (LPA) and the African Alternative Framework to Structural Adjustment Programmes for Socio-Economic Recovery and Transformation (AAF-SAP). These two documents are as relevant today as they were three decades ago when they were first developed. Part 1 presents reflections on the policies and strategies for Africa’s development since 1976. In this context, Adedeji used his pivotal position as head of United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) to build a distinctive African voice on developmental issues of great significance to the continent by strengthening the research capability, policy advocacy, and human capacity of the institution; and by serving as trusted adviser to African leaders on economic issues. Part two focuses on Adedeji’s efforts to use regional integration and cooperation to overcome the challenges of small market sizes and land-locked countries, economies of scale and scope and galvanize the continent’s economic development into a vibrant and globally competitive African economy. Part three is dedicated to examining the institutional deficits that continued to plague Africa’s development. Part 4 presents in-depth analyses of conflicts and development in Africa.

For those familiar with the development debate of the 1980s and 1990s between the World Bank and UNECA, much of the materials in this book are available in various publications of the two institutions. There are also a lot of repetitive materials across chapters in the book. However, I found fresh insights, ideas and interpretations in the chapters by four authors: Richard Jolly, Ali Ali, Adekeye Adebajo, and Otobo. The remaining five chapters essentially revolve around the insights and ideas provided by what I will call the four core chapters.

From my perspective, the leading chapter after the introductory chapter should have been Chapter four by Adekeye Adebajo on “A Tale of Two Prophets: Jean Monnet and Adebayo Adedeji.” This chapter provides a biographical sketch of Adedeji as an erudite scholar, a foremost development planner and practitioner, and the father of African integration. His vision for African integration was initially outlined in an article on “Prospects for Regional Economic Integration in West Africa,” published in 1970 in the Journal of Modern African Studies. Turning his scholarly insights into practice, Adedeji championed regional integration as an instrument for promoting peace and socio-economic development in Africa. As a Minister of Economic Development, he was instrumental in the creation in 1975 of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). At UNECA, he facilitated the creation of Common Market of Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) in 1981 and Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) in 1983. His far-sighted vision and skillful efforts to transform the UNECA into a Pan-African platform to promote economic integration across Africa is comparable to Europe’s political visionary—Jean Monnet who was very instrumental as a French technocrat in the establishment of the European Community.

Most readers of this book, edited by Amos Sawyer, Afeikhena Jerome and Ejeviome Eloho Otobo, will agree with the following statement in the Foreword by President Joaquim Alberto Chissano, former President of Mozambique: “This book, written to honour Adebayo Adedeji, the intellectual leader of Africa’s quest for home-grown approaches to development and good governance, sheds light on many of the difficult policy challenges that Adedeji tackled during his career. His capacity and commitment to speak for Africa and on African issues remains unmatched.

•Dr Oshikoya is an economist and public affairs analyst.